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Nova Scotia’s Film Inudstry Needs Fixing

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Darlene Lewis is a set decorator who lives in Boutiliers Point.  She has always worked in the arts. She began her career in theatre, eventually moving over into film and television.

The making of films in Nova Scotia has been a part of the artistic and business landscape since 1913 when Evangeline, one of Canada’s very first films, was shot here.

Thousands of Nova Scotians have been employed in this industry over the years. They and their families were a vital part of the Nova Scotia economy. Students graduating from our colleges and universities stayed in Nova Scotia to work in film. Trained technicians and craftspeople moved to Nova Scotia to participate in the industry.

The making of films and TV shows is like any other manufacturing venture. Investors bring in capital and purchase goods and services from local businesses. They hire Nova Scotian carpenters, painters, electricians, caterers, hairdressers, make-up artists, prop builders, decorators, graphic artists, editors, animators, designers, drivers, actors, directors and producers and more to create the production. A finished product is shipped out to market.

During the 2013 election, the Liberal government promised stable funding for the film industry until 2020. Yet, in April 2015, they abruptly axed the film industry tax credit that was so vital to the industry.

Businesses closed. Millions of dollars’ worth of film projects that were lined up to shoot here went away. A combined workforce of over 2,700 Nova Scotians was thrown out of work. We then turned to our provincial government, asking them to work with us to fix this situation.

“Get back to work,” McNeil said.

But there is no work.

The tax credit made money for the province. From 1993 through 2014, the film industry showed a steady increase in revenue. The tax credit was replaced with a Film Incentive Fund with no time for the industry to transition to the new formula. Now, with the Canadian dollar so low compared to the American dollar, film in other provinces is booming. Yet in Nova Scotia, we remain dead in the water. Broadcasters and film studios are wary of Nova Scotia’s new system, reluctant to invest millions in something unproven and untried.

The loss is palpable. Throughout the province, businesses that supplied the film industry have been hit hard in the bottom line and many have closed shop. Infrastructure that took 30 years to build has been destroyed—victims of misguided political policy.

Talented people in their prime with young families, so badly needed in this aging province—people who helped build our economy and support our communities—are packing up and heading off to find work in other provinces where the benefits of film production are recognized and nurtured. For many of these families, this is a permanent move, and our loss.

We must protect industries like film that offer proven growth and jobs. We ask all Nova Scotians to talk to their elected officials. Make sure they understand the importance of the Nova Scotia film industry to the future of this province. Urge them to work with the industry to amend the Film Incentive Fund to bring it up to industry standards. We believe that it can be made to work. We believe that if the government and the industry pull together in the same direction, we can rebuild our industry for the benefit of all Nova Scotians.

——— 

Voice of the City is a platform for any and all Halifax individuals to share their diverse opinions and writings. The Coast does not necessarily endorse the views of those published. Our editors reserve the right to alter submissions for clarity, length and style. Want to appear in this section? Submissions can be sent to voice@thecoast.ca.Liberals need to right last year’s wrongs.

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Editorials

Our Love-Hate Relationship with Gimmicks

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When Jennifer Egan’s novel “A Visit from the Goon Squad” won the Pulitzer Prize, in 2011, much fuss was made over its penultimate chapter, which presents the diary of a twelve-year-old girl in the form of a seventy-six-page PowerPoint presentation. Despite the nearly universal acclaim that the novel had received, critics had trouble deciding whether the PowerPoint was a dazzling, avant-garde innovation or, as one reviewer described it, “a wacky literary gimmick,” a cheap trick that diminished the over-all value of the novel. In an interview with Egan, the novelist Heidi Julavits confessed to dreading the chapter before she read it, and then experiencing a happy relief once she had. “I live in fear of the gimmicky story that fails to rise above its gimmick,” she said. “But within a few pages I totally forgot about the PowerPoint presentation, that’s how ungimmicky your gimmick was.”

The word “gimmick” is believed to come from “gimac,” an anagram of “magic.” The word was likely first used by magicians, gamblers, and swindlers in the nineteen-twenties to refer to the props they wielded to attract, and to misdirect, attention—and sometimes, according to “The Wise-Crack Dictionary,” from 1926, to turn “a fair game crooked.” From such duplicitous beginnings, the idea of gimmickry soon spread. In Vladimir Nabokov’s novel “Invitation to a Beheading,” from 1935, a mother distracts her imprisoned son from counting the hours to his execution by describing the “marvelous gimmicks” of her childhood. The most shocking, she explains, was a trick mirror. When “shapeless, mottled, pockmarked, knobby things” were placed in front of the mirror, it would reflect perfectly sensible forms: flowers, fields, ships, people. When confronted with a human face or hand, the mirror would reflect a jumble of broken images. As the son listens to his mother describe her gimmick, he sees her eyes spark with terror and pity, “as if something real, unquestionable (in this world, where everything was subject to question), had passed through, as if a corner of this horrible life had curled up, and there was a glimpse of the lining.” Behind the mirror lurks something monstrous—an idea of art as device, an object whose representational powers can distort and devalue just as easily as they can estrange and enchant.

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Editorials

Stakeholder vs. Shareholder Capitalism: What Is Ideal Today?

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Haywood Kelly: At Morningstar, we’re proud that our research teams not only operate independently but that our analysts are encouraged to explore ideas and raise contrarian viewpoints. The enemy of any research organization is groupthink. A research organization needs to hire people who aren’t afraid of challenging the status quo and who are always thinking about how to foster a culture where people feel comfortable speaking up and encouraging us all to think harder and sharper.

And we debate just about everything. Is the market overvalued? Should private equity be allowed into retirement plans? What categories are most suited to active investors? How much should an annuity cost? And I’d say one of the hottest areas of debate these days is ESG. Does ESG help or hurt investing performance? What ESG risks are truly material to cash flows? What should be included in a “globe rating,” and on and on.

Within the field of sustainable investing and with it evolving so rapidly, there is really no facet that we don’t debate. And today, we’ve asked a group of researchers from across Morningstar to represent opposing sides of a particular ESG argument. But we didn’t have to look far for one that’s taken centerstage in 2020. 

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Editorials

HILL: The Great Reset

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If you haven’t heard about The Great Reset yet, you will. 

Soon.

Joe Biden’s “Build Back Better” slogan, of which no one knew the meaning or purpose, is a direct lift from The Great Reset Manifesto, let’s call it, concocted by the dreamy-eyed elites of the world who attend annual ritzy, star-studded winter retreats in Davos, Switzerland under the auspices of the World Economic Forum.

“In short” the wealthy elites of the world proclaim to the rest of the world, “we need a ‘Great Reset’ of capitalism.”

To save the world, these elites demand “the world must act … to revamp all aspects of our societies and economies, from education to social contracts and working conditions; …every country… must participate, and every industry, from oil and gas to tech, must be transformed”.

In other words, these elites demand that the entire world embrace socialism; impose much higher wealth taxes, which they will avoid paying, that’s a given; promulgate onerous regulations on banking and industry; and pass massive Green New Deals, which would “only” cost U.S. taxpayers and consumers $93 trillion to implement.

Liberal socialists never say anything about cutting government spending, lowering government regulatory burdens on business and people, getting rid of archaic government programs that have been proven ineffective, or removing legal barriers for people who want to start a business and provide a better life for their family.

Liberal socialists simply believe a lot more government is good. Conservatives don’t. It is pretty much that simple.

Every command issued by Great Reset/One World Government proponents strikes at the core of American individualism. American individualism and self-initiative led to the creation of such ground-breaking innovations as the IPhone, Amazon and Google, nothing close to which has ever been invented under socialist or communist regimes. Wait until the Great Reset dries up American innovation; Millennials and liberals will then see the adverse side of too much governmental control of our economy, then they will be ready for more free market capitalism.

Americans should understandably feel a little queasy when they hear Prince Charles or Canadian PM Justin Trudeau gush about how the COVID pandemic provides the “perfect opportunity” to change everything. Only totalitarians at heart think a pandemic or crisis is “a great time to impose their will on the world.” Hitler took power during the post-WWI economic depression in Germany to “restore the Fatherland,” to name perhaps the worst case in recent history.

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